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Part V - My thoughts & reflections

Hello again and welcome back. This week's post will be my last, and I must say that I'm sad to end this blog; I had a great time working on it!

In this final post, I will be giving an overview of what I learned from The New Jim Crow. Michelle Alexander's book is one of the most powerful pieces of text that I've interacted with, and I thoroughly enjoyed deepening my own understanding of racial inequality.

As someone who doesn't personally experience the concepts discussed in The New Jim Crow, learning about the many facets of systematic racism was incredibly stimulating. I've never been exposed to the vast majority of topics that Alexander examines, and I think that this is because I live in rural New Hampshire. As someone who has grown up here in the "Live Free or Die" state, I've developed in an environment where, according to the US Census Bureau, 93.6% of people are White.

This statistic is extremely significant because it highlights the fact that Granite Staters live in a racial bubble. The state's lack of diversity has drastically affected the personal development and prejudices its constituents hold. This statistic may even personally affect me less than it appears because I've grown up in a small town in NH; a place that demographically consists of an even higher percentage of white people as opposed to larger cities like Manchester or Nashua.

The first time that I truly became aware of this fact was my freshman year of high school. This is because when I was a freshman I read Between the World and Me by Ta-Nehisi Coates. I read Coates' book as part of a program my town was putting on called: "Hopkinton Reads." Part of the program was a panel discussion at our town library, which I attended. The discussion consisted of four accomplished panelists discussing the book, and an audience Q & A. I was certainly the youngest person in the room, so I felt that there was a lot of attention drawn to my presence. One of these questions from the audience was actually directed at me; it was something along the lines of: "As a young person, how do you feel that this book personally affected your understanding of race?" At first, I was a bit taken aback by this question because, as a naive fourteen-year-old, I didn't fully understand this complex work, but after about ten seconds of gathering my thoughts: I responded. I explained that as someone who has lived in New Hampshire for the entirety of my life, I never understood what the significance of race was because I'd never been physically around it; but after reading Between the World and Me I could comprehend what people described as "White Privilege." Before experiencing Coates work I never understood what "White Privilege" was because I never had anyone who was of a different race to compare myself to.

Now, two years later, I feel as if I'm able to grasp the concept of racial inequality more comprehensively. Reading The New Jim Crow has been more effective than Between the World and Me was because I've had another two years to build up grey matter.

I particularly thought that Alexander's illustration of Mass Incarceration was incredibly powerful and completely applicable to my observations of American society; outside of racially-uniform rural New Hampshire.

In the last chapter "The Fire This Time," which is a reference to Civil Rights leader James Baldwin's 1962 letter entitled The Fire Next Time, Alexander writes:

We should hope not for a colorblind society but instead for a world in which we can see each other fully, learn from each other, and do what we can to respond to each other with love.
(244)

This quotation beautifully encapsulates what is reverberated throughout The New Jim Crow. Our society is only focused on portraying itself as accepting to others, when in fact we continue to marginalize people of color by locking them in a prison cell. America must come to terms with its tendency to consistently penalize people who aren't White and focus on deepening the societal understanding of a multitude of cultures. We must learn from our differences; not exacerbate them. That is how we can ensure the end of systematic racism.


Sources

“U.S. Census Bureau QuickFacts: New Hampshire.” Census Bureau QuickFacts,                                             www.census.gov/quickfacts/nh.

Comments

  1. As your classmate (and fellow town-member), I completely agree with your experience of race where we live. Nearly everyone I know is white, and those that are not are adopted by white parents and are raised in completely white culture. I never feel qualified to talk about racial issues because I have little to no experience with people of different cultures all together. In theory, I think I understand racial injustice, but my understanding is significantly limited because all I have done is read about it. I've never seen it. It isn't close enough to home.

    I also really enjoyed Alexander's discussion of colorblindness. I never really understood what the politically correct behavior was; is it disrespectful to acknowledge that someone's skin has more melanin? Is that defining their appearance by their race? When I point out a non white person in a crowd, is it offensive to mention their race? By no means do I want to separate these people by differentiating them based on race, but I also don't want to ignore their race altogether because that seems disrespectful to the group as a whole.

    As a whole, I really enjoyed reading your blog posts. You always seemed to get something a little different from me out of each chapter. It was interesting to see your perspective on the same topic.

    ReplyDelete
    Replies
    1. Hi again Georgia,

      I'm glad that we were both able to share in the experience of reading this book. I think that due to both of our relationships with demographics this book was unequivocally worthwhile. I also enjoyed the analysis of colorblindness that Alexander provided in "The Fire This Time" because I have found myself asking the same questions you pointed out. I agree that we both had slightly different takeaways from each chapter, and I always valued reading your perspective. This has been a really beneficial assignment and process. Thanks again!

      Delete
  2. Colby, I've enjoyed your voice and style in your blog posts. They have been a pleasure to read.

    ReplyDelete

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Important Quotations


"We have not ended racial caste in America; we have merely redesigned it." (2)




"Any candid observer of American racial history must acknowledge that racism is highly adaptable." (21)




"Members of Congress who voted against civil rights measures proactively designed crime legislation and actively fought for their proposals." (43)




"The act also expanded use of the death penalty for serious drug-related offenses and imposed new mandatory minimums for drug offenses, including a five-year mandatory minimum for simple possession of cocaine base—with no evidence of intent to sell. Remarkably, the penalty would apply to first-time offenders. The severity of this punishment was unprecedented in the federal system." (53-54)




"The level of public concern about crime and drugs was only weakly correlated with actual crime rates, but highly correlated with political initiatives, campaigns, and partisan appeals." (55)




"During Clinton's tenure, Washington slashed funding for public housing by $17 billion (a reduction of 61 percent) and boosted corrections by $19 billion (an increase of 171 percent), 'effectively making the constructions of prisons the nation's main housing program for the urban poor.' " (57)




"Despite all of the new procedural rules and formal protections, the law does not address the single most serious problem associated with drug-war forfeiture laws: the profit motive in drug-law enforcement. Under the new law, drug busts motivated by the desire to seize cash, cars, homes, and other property are still perfectly legal." (83)




"This caste system extends far beyond prison walls and governs millions of people who are on probation and parole, primarily for nonviolent offenses." (101-102)




"Drug use, once considered a private, public-health matter, was reframed through political rhetoric and media imagery as a grave threat to the national order." (105)




"Decades of cognitive bias research demonstrates that both unconscious and conscious biases lead to discriminatory actions, even when an individual does not want to discriminate." (106)




"In other words, the [Supreme] Court barred any victim of race discrimination by the police from even alleging a claim of racial bias under the Fourth Amendment." (109)




"Once you have that felony stamp, your hope for employment, for any kind of integration into society, it begins to fade out. Today’s lynching is a felony charge. Today’s lynching is incarceration. Today’s lynch mobs are professionals. They have a badge; they have a law degree. A felony is a modern way of saying, ‘I’m going to hang you up and burn you.’ Once you get that F, you’re on fire." (164)




"The unfortunate reality we must face is that racism manifests itself not only in individual attitudes and stereotypes, but also in the basic structure of society." (184)




"[African-American men] will be discriminated against, legally, for the rest of their lives—denied employment, housing, education, and public benefi ts. Unable to surmount these obstacles, most will eventually return to prison and then be released again, caught in a closed circuit of perpetual marginality." (186)




"The Supreme Court’s famous proclamation in 1857—“[the black man] has no rights which the white man is bound to respect”—remains true to a significant degree today, so long as the black man has been labeled a felon." (194)




"It is fair to say that we have witnessed an evolution in the United States from a racial caste system based entirely on exploitation (slavery), to one based largely on subordination (Jim Crow), to one defined by marginalization (mass incarceration). While marginalization may sound far preferable to exploitation, it may prove to be even more dangerous . . .'It’s actually better to be exploited than marginalized, in some respects, because if you’re exploited presumably you’re still needed.' " (219)